[TO GO TO THE "REMARKS" ON WHICH THESE NOTES ARE BASED, CLICK HERE.]

--(1) Both a tireless researcher and a gifted classroom teacher, Frank M. Turner edited a student-friendly 1996 edition of Newman’s THE IDEA OF A UNIVERSITY. Not surprisingly Professor Turner also holds the Yale College Award for Distinguished Undergraduate Teaching. He also co-authored two widely used college textbooks, THE WESTERN HERITAGE (now in 7th edition) and THE HERITAGE OF WORLD CIVILIZATIONS (now in 6th edition). He is a seasoned  administrator, having been Provost of Yale.

--(2) Frank M. Turner, JOHN HENRY NEWMAN: THE CHALLENGE TO EVANGELICAL RELIGION, New Haven, Yale U.P. 2002, (hereafter usually simply Turner NEWMAN), p. 23.

To participants in a 2003 conference titled "John Henry Newman: Moments of Crisis, Moments of Grace," Turner's book is long on crisis but short on grace. Holiness and godliness may be simply beyond Turner's method to reach. Still, his is an honest semi-biography. It does not at all remind of Oscar Wilde's cynical comment on biographers in "The Artist As Critic," They are the pest of the age, nothing more and nothing less. Every great man nowadays has his disciples, and it is always Judas who writes the biography. (07/07/2003)

--(3) Frank Turner's intended secular academic readers seem to fall into two groups. First is an older cadre once trained to believe (and still believing) that history writing must be narrowly and exclusively focused on one single crisply defined slice of the past, e.g., economics or politics or culture or religion but never all or several different slivers at once. The second group is apparently younger, bolder, more innovative and believes two things: there was more religion busily making a difference in 19th Century England's ostensibly "secular" public life than these same historians were taught in graduate school and there are newer purely secular techniques or insights which up-to-date historians should draw on to illuminate the19th Century as a rounded whole. 

Dr Turner offers a composite sketch of some of his peers, at least the American ones. They appear in his 1993 CONTESTING CULTURAL AUTHORITY: ESSAYS IN VICTORIAN INTELLECTUAL LIFE,  (henceforth CCA) Chapter I, “The Religious and the Secular in Victorian Britain.”

Many of today’s American historians of 19th Century England were raised in families practicing or at least professing Christianity as taught by main-stream Protestant churches (CCA, 8f). As undergraduates they dutifully read Socrates, Hume, Mill etc., and one day  found themselves both secularized and positivized. Writing their history dissertations at major research universities in the 1960s and 1970s, Turner’s peers accepted that real history writing is totally this-worldly, highly specialized and tunnel-visioned. Such historians dare not build a career writing about both popular and high culture. They had also been taught that 19th Century England exemplified one great, undeniable law: that history is about the inevitable liberation of the human race from straitjackets of religion and superstition into the boundless intellectual liberties of private judgment tempered by secularism and positivism

These rising scholars, at least unconsciously, found in the breathless Victorian march away from religion a mirror of their own personal retreats from main stream Protestantism. Thus their profession also helped them grasp their personal identity (CCA. 8f). They were not, therefore, likely to indulge in some other style of history writing from that which had liberated them personally from conceptions that religions might teach objective truth.

Yale University assigned Frank M. Turner, a newly minted PhD, to teach a course in Victorian political and cultural history. And suddenly he saw that previously inculcated narrowness of focus in research distorted historical reality. Professor Turner found that he could not teach politics in rigid isolation from religon or display high culture utterly distinct from low culture. Nor dare any honest historian downplay religion as a powerful, creative enduring force in British Society (CCA.,10, 14 ). Turner came to assert that not only thinkers but also their ideas exist in contexts: political, cultural, religious and intellectual contexts. And even if an idea, say, Darwinism, wins out, its opponents rarely disappear from the landscape (CCA, 11) Nor did a thinker who fell away from evangelical Christianity necessarily fall into total scepticism. Often he remained at least generically "spiritual."

Frank Turner then revised and expanded his secular method and his approach to Victorian intellectual history. JOHN HENRY NEWMAN: THE CHALLENGE TO EVANGELICAL RELIGION showcases Turner's new broad-gauged positivistic method applied to one "eminent Victorian."

--(4)  These are the opening words in Charles Dickens's 1854 novel, HARD TIMES. See Oxford University Press World's Classics 1989 Pocket Book edition by Paul Schlicke, p. 1.

Dr Turner also floats hypotheses and speculations not obviously (to a non-academic reader) connected to Tractarian facts. Granted, all his speculations seem designed to offer alternatives to the supernatural. Granted, he anchors his musings in cited authorities and research. Granted, he invites readers to do further reading or research into areas only sketchily linked to Newman's age by Turner. Might, nonetheless, the speculative one tenth of Turner's NEWMAN be either unconscious popularizing or, more charitably and plausibly, be instead a crafty bait for his intended secular readers at major research universities? 

On the one hand, younger peers are explicitly invited to rise above at least the grossest, most tunnel-visioned of the M'Choakumchildisms which they were taught in graduate school and now, for the first time and as a good secular career choice, to take 19th Century English religion seriously. On the other hand, Dr Turner's flights of speculation (sometimes tucked away in associated end-notes) may carry a subliminal message to secular academicians. That is, the fact that dead white Englishmen were personally sincere about their religion need not compel living, positivist, tenure track academicians today personally to believe that the eminent Victorians were right in holding their non-provable superstitions.

Again, Turner's peers may well, in deference to their accepted secular norms and methods, try to understand whatever they are writing about as if there is and can be no  discoverable divine intervention in human affairs.  People who see John Henry Newman as a trusted guide to holiness may, however, be grateful to Turner if he persuades more such secular scholars to study Newman, for whatever his or their reasons. For Newman has lain in meaner Procrustean beds.

Should Turner's peers rise to what may be the intended bait of Turner's speculations, might they not in time find enough creative and constructive in 19th Century religion to make them forget the bait and rather approach Newman both more traditionally and more broad-gaugedly and more multi-facetedly than they would have done if Turner had not written JOHN HENRY NEWMAN: THE CHALLENGE TO EVANGELICAL RELIGION? This does not mean that all people who study Newman must either believe or disbelieve in his religion or that God did in fact personally guide Newman and other Tractarians. It will, nonetheless, be to Turner's unique credit, if he persuades even a few of his most sceptical, worldly, agnostic colleagues that Newman and other eminent Victorians are worth studying, no matter how much their great contributions must for method's sake be positivized, naturalized and over-simplified. 

--(5) Turner, JOHN HENRY NEWMAN, pp. 5 - 11. In 1864 Newman  wrote up the first 44 years of his life using later insights to shade or even "correct" earlier contemporaneously documented facts. As late as 1844 he could still not be absolutely sure that his Anglican story would end in conversion to Roman Catholicism. What if at least some Anglican bishops and professors at Oxtord University had changed their minds and begun to swing behind his Tract 90? 

So, according to Frank Turner, "Newman of the Apologia" portrayed himself (nonfactually) as moving always, logically, sincerely, reluctantly and for purely intellectual reasons towards Rome. In APOLOGIA he also misleadingly downplayed his passionate dislike of Evangelical Protestantism by recasting his earlier religious foe as generic "liberalism."  Historians then largely chose to spare themselves the trouble of rereading not just Newman’s works in their later bound volumes (much less in their original, unedited pamphlets or magazines). Over time the much revised and trimming literary classics of Newman triumphed over the duller and less read volumes both of his Tractarian collaborators and of his critics. The critics  were largely forgotten. Thus Newman, in the end outwriting and outliving his foes, emerged as the sole consulted source and authority for all too many recent researchers.

Turner’s recent book reinterprets Newman’s Anglican years with as little as may be reliance on the APOLOGIA.  The latest Newman work trusted by Frank Turner is the collection of Newman's 12 lectures of 1850 on CERTAIN DIFFICULTIES FELT BY ANGLICANS. To achieve his book's goal of understanding the Newman of history,

"...the choice has been to take Newman at his word in 1850 rather than in 1864." (Turner, NEWMAN, p. 23, italics mine),

Professor Turner's method entails (a) both relying on accounts by Newman and others contemporary with events described and also (b) speculatively and retroactively applying to Newman and confreres insights from recent scholarship in fields not related directly either to Newman or to Newman’s Tractarian Movement. 

Turner, historian not hagiographer, limns an untidy, driven, disruptive, Anglican “Newman of history” who is distinctly different from the carefully crafted, controlled Roman Catholicizing “Newman of the APOLOGIA.” Newman of the APOLOGIA is a literary creation which contemporaries who knew him well often rejected as fictional.
 

--(6) Frank M. Turner, CONTESTING CULTURAL AUTHORITY: ESSAYS IN VICTORIAN INTELLECTUAL LIFE,  Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 37.

--(7) ibid., p. 35.

--(8) In this amateur's opinion, JOHN HENRY NEWMAN: THE CHALLENGE TO EVANGELICAL RELIGION provides to  Frank Turner's academic peers, people educated as was he, men and women who read and speak mainly to one another, first a fresh look at and then an honest, trained, meticulous re-reading of old and wrongly neglected sources. The book then makes to professional historians the case for a broader-gauged, this-worldly method of writing history which can  be emulated by researchers handling subjects other than Newman. 

Many in the professor's intended audience are assumed, I think, to be much like Charles Kingsley: full of high animal spirits, latitudinarian or sceptical and personally unempathetic with Newman's growing preference for celibacy, monasticism and self-mortification. If that be so, then must there not be ways for the least conservative, the most imaginative of Turner's academic peers -- ways (let those ways be speculative so long as materialistic) -- to reduce the age's religion to conditioned social behavior? We cannot expect the new breed of historians to write like Herodotus, Thucydides, Gibbon, Belloc or Eamon Duffy. 

Young secular historians may rightfully ask: might not Newman and his younger Tractarian acolytes have behaved as they did because they were simply superstitious or prone to magic? Is the key to unlocking Newman and his followers the fact that they were or were not homosexual or had eating disorders? Were their evangelical foes the kind of people easily hypnotized?

A non-academic reader may enlarge his knowledge of the Victorian Age in England by dipping into specialized research about deviant behaviors and illnesses (even if Turner has not demonstrated such information to bear directly on Newman). Turner's speculations have their clearly indicated scholarly points of departure. 

 --(9) Turner's publisher is interested in selling many more than seven or eight hundred copies to Turner's academic peers and fellow specialists. Yale University Press, that is, presumably intends that THE CHALLENGE TO EVANGELICAL RELIGION also draw thousands of non-specialist readers who are not attached to graduate departments of major research universities. Such a wider readership includes people who think highly of John Henry Newman's theology, rhetoric, his novels or poetry. Anyone who reads as much as he has time for about Newman also naturally turns to Turner, "the new kid on the Newman block."  Such readers include students: majors in education, English and history. They include as well Roman Catholics, Anglo Catholics, sermon writers and pursuers of a devout life. Among, it may be imagined, several thousand readers of THE CHALLENGE TO EVANGELICAL RELIGION quite a few will likely read Turner before they have read  Sheridan Gilley, Sean O'Faolain, Maisie Ward, Vincent Blehl, Avery Dulles or other Newman scholars. Or before they have thumbed through every last one of the ninety TRACTS, or so much as a third of Newman' s sermons. 

--(10) NEWMAN'S FAMILY RELIGION. 

Regarding a 1996 "Note on the Life of John Henry Newman," (In Turner's edition of JOHN HENRY NEWMAN: THE IDEA OF A UNIVERSITY," xii, the author now admits he would rephrase, "He (Newman) grew up in a moderately evangelical Anglican family."

Six years after the 1864 APOLOGIA, in his 1870 GRAMMAR OF ASSENT, Newman speaks of that main stream Anglicanism in which his family almost certainly participated:
 

Bible religion is both the recognized title and the best description of English religion. It consists, not in rites or creeds, but mainly in having the Bible read in Church, in the family, and in private. ... It has attuned their minds to religious thoughts; it has given them a high moral standard; it has served them in associating religion with compositions which ... are among the most sublime and beautiful ever written ....

... our national form [of religion] professes to be little more than thus reading the Bible and living a correct life. It is not a religion of persons and things, of acts of faith and of direct devotion; but of sacred scenes and pious sentiments. It has been comparatively careless of creed and catechism; and has in consequence shown little sense of the need of consistency in the matter of its teaching. ... What Scripture especially illustrates from its first age to its last, is God's Providence; and that is nearly the only doctrine held with a real assent by the mass of religious  Englishmen. ... I am ... speaking ... of the mass of piously-minded and well-living people in all ranks of the community. 

[John Henry Newman, AN ESSAY IN AID OF A GRAMMAR OF ASSENT, 
63 f. With an introduction by Nicholas Lash. University of Notre Dame. Notre Dame and London. 1979. Fourth printing 1992.]

A good starting point on Huguenots is Robin Gwynn's brief THE HUGUENOTS OF LONDON, Portland, Oregon, Alpha Press, 1998. With up to 25,000 French speaking religious refugees crowded into London enclaves by 1700, the sheer size of the English Huguenots is impressive. Their strong roles, approaching dominance in trades like banking, cloth and paper manufacture are stiking. Newman's affluent Fourdrinier relatives were associated with paper and stationery.

 --(11) NEWMAN, MAGIC AND SUPERSTITION. 

Dr Turner slipped in this speculation almost unnoticed and certainly without applying it.

Turner's associated end note 21 at p. 660  advises: 
 

For the manner in which Newman's personality in the 1820s conforms to that of persons believing in magic, consult Stuart A. Vyse, Believing in Magic: The Psychology of Superstition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 24-58.

Now pp. 24-58 represent the whole of Vyse's Chapter 2, "The Superstitious Person: Group and Individual Differences in Magical Belief." Both the book and the chapter are good reads, with much material drawn from recent tests of college sophomores taking  introductory psychology courses and from other sources. Superstition and religious belief are similar but also acknowledged by Vyse to be different. "... both involve an act of faith. The believer must place trust in forces beyond understanding." (Vyse, op. cit., p.40 f)

The manner, however, in which Dr Turner presents the theme of Newman and magic makes the reader expect that Vyse's book will show us Newman as a Victorian Dr Faustus. What shall we learn about Newman and his magic? Nothing, I submit.

Meanwhile a non-specialist like me finds more light in this passage from Avery Dulles's NEWMAN (2002) on what type evidence supports Christian faith: 
 

Newman ...  points to what he calls coincidences -- events which, 'though not in themselves miraculous, do irresistibly force upon us, almost by the law of our nature, the presence and extraordinary action of Him whose being we already acknowledge.' An example might be the reception of a greatly needed and unexpected gift soon after the prayer of a saintly person. (Dulles, p. 56f)

In New Haven this may count as magic. In Swannanoa, NC it is behavior which I, for one, do not find unreasonable in a servant of the Gospel. For an alternate description of John Henry's praying when in tight financial straits see Vincent Ferrer Blehl, S.J., PILGRIM JOURNEY: JOHN HENRY NEWMAN 1801-1845, New York, Paulist Press, 2001, p. 51.

--(12) NEWMAN AND MESMERISM.

Professor Turner refers us to  Alison Winter, MESMERIZED: POWERS OF MIND IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN , Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1998), pp. 246-275."

Professor Winter's book applies traditional scholarship to a much reported aspect of 19th century English life. Many people in contact with or in opposition to Newman took mesmerism very seriously. Thus Archbishop Richard Whately was a founder in 1851 of the Dublin Mesmeric Association. (Winter, 134). Samuel Wilberforce, only six months before being named bishop of Oxford also plunged into mesmerism. (Winter, 250.) Thomas Arnold of Rugby was into the new craft. So were Robert and Henry Wilberforce. It is hard to imagine, therefore, that Newman himself did not spill some ink on the subject. 

--(13)  EATING DISORDERS AND SEXUALITY.

The dots which Frank Turner connects up are clearly suggested by his Index notation at page 725, "Anorexia, 434-435. See also Asceticism; Fasting; Homosexuality."

For male anorexia we are invited to read, inter alia, Walter Vandereycken and Ron van Deth, FROM FASTING SAINTS TO ANOREXIC GIRLS: THE HISTORY OF SELF-STARVATION (Longon: Athlone, 1994, pp. 181-217). This is a translation of a 1994 German translation and abridgement of an original Dutch text whose date is not given. Pp. 181-217 comprise Chapter 10, "The Victorian Roots of Anorexia Nervosa."

This book says that medieval fasting by saints was done for utterly different motives from those of 19th Century fashion setters like Lord Byron or Empress Elizabeth of Austria-Hungary. The authors caution against retroactive applications of contemporary theories of self-starvation ("risk of over- or misinterpretation in using hagiographical material" p. 221), There are worlds of differences between saints and anorexics (p. 222). "There is no trace of saints 'dieting' from a fear of becoming fat" (p. 221). Worth trying to apply retroactively to Newman's age are two books by American whose contents are sketched between pp. 222 and 226:

--Rudolf M. Bell. HOLY ANOREXIA. Chicago. University of Chicago Press. 1988.

--Caroline Walker Bynum. HOLY FEAST AND HOLY FAST: THE RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF FOOD TO MEDIEVAL WOMEN. Berkeley. University of California Press. 1987.

As for asceticism those influenced by Richard Hurrell Froude saw England in need of "some stricter religion." Any Christian country according to Newman requires either dissent or monachism; "so make your choice." (Turner, NEWMAN, p. 158)

Frank Turner inconclusively explores "Monasticism, Homosexuality and Celibacy" (pp. 425-436). Two of Turner's sources throw light on the age's debating over manliness. Newman maintained an earlier English devotion to the heroic, self-denying virtus of Aeneas.  See James Eli Adams, DANDIES AND DESERT SAINTS: STYLES OF VICTORIAN MASCULINITY, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1995). Attention goes to Lord Tennyson, John Henry Newman, Thomas Arnold, Walter Pater, Thomas Carlyle, Oscar Wilde and others. 

The extensive treatment of Charles Kingsley and 'muscular Christianity' is justified in another important source, Susan Chitty, THE BEAST AND THE MONK: A LIFE OF CHARLES KINGSLEY, New York, Mason/Charter, 1975.  Frances Eliza Grenfell's attraction toward an Anglican sisterhood had almost cost Kingsley his future wife. If the life-affirming, 1960-ish, rollicking, sensuous married sex life which the Kingleys enjoyed be validly Christian, then true Christianity, to Kingsley at least, has no room for the flesh-hating monasticism, fasting, celibacy and self-protective reserve in truth-telling embodied by John Henry Newman and many of his younger Tractarian disciples.

Oliver S. Buckton (SECRET SELVES: CONFESSION AND SAME-SEX DESIRE IN VICTORIAN AUTOBIOGRAPHY, Chapel Hill, U. of NC Press, p. 222, n.8) thinks that Newman clearly (1) preferred the face-to-face company of males, (2) had strong emotional attachments at various times to one particular male friend more than another but was never into (3) physical sexual contact with any of them. Thus, JHN exemplified the first and second of "three levels" of homosexuality" in the typology of W. S. F. Pickering,  ANGLO-CATHOLICISM: A STUDY IN RELIGIOUS AMBIGUITY, London, Routledge, 1989. But Buckton also prefers the terminology of Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, BETWEEN MEN: ENGLISH LITERATURE AND MALE HOMOSOCIAL DESIRE, New York, Columbia U.P., 1985.  "Homosociality," per Buckton, is a more adequate term for the male camaraderie of Pickering's "first level" of homosexuality. (Added July 15, 2003)

Newman generally seems to "like" this world mainly because it points to a better and higher world beyond. He also suspects it. And there are some fleshly elements which he seems positively to dislike. Thus he called for a study of "Jensenist saints." And in an unsent 1835 letter to Henry Wilberforce (who was afraid to tell Newman of his coming marriage, Newman said:
 

"the time is fixed for your changing your state and commencing to be a citizen of this world that now is." And March 25, 1840 he wrote: "I could not take that interest in this world which marriage requires. I am too disgusted with this world."

--(14) Financial Failures and Bankruptcies.
 

Barbara Weiss in THE HELL OF THE ENGLISH: BANKRUPTCY AND THE VICTORIAN NOVEL (Cranbury, NJ, Associated University Presses, 1986) fleshes out Turner by detailing the universally dreaded social consequences of the prevailing law of unlimited liability in partnerships such as John Newman's in his bank. After reading Turner and this source, one also understands why lack of money made Henry Manning give up a planned career in Parliament for the Church. John Henry Newman, too, was a man of his age. He made efforts even into old age to preserve his father's memory as an honorable man, not an easy thing to do for an 1822 bankruptcy.

The speculative side of the Turner method is applied with a certain restraint to the motif of bankruptcy/business failure. Thus at age 15 1/2 Newman experienced his family's comfortable home as vanishing (NEWMAN, p. 111). He turned to Reverend Walter Myers as a strong mentor to replace his faltering father (ibid.). "Newman may have blamed his awakening sexuality for his family's recent misfortunes" (p. 113). Tract One's1833 call to alarm against a government no longer able to protect the church by law established was a projection "onto the collective body of the English clergy" of recollections of his family's 1821 bankruptcy. Both family and church first rose under protection of the law, only later to be abandoned by the law (p. 170). What the state gave, the state could also take away.

Professor Turner even more forcefully points out the purely earthly attraction of evangelical religion for the rising English middle class as "a nation of shopkeepers." See passim the section in NEWMAN ch. 1, "Evangelicalism and the Commercial Spirit" (56-64). Evangelicals helped create a free market in religion (p. 56). It was like the smugglers pushing against Spanish domination of trade with Latin America. Evangelical religion was lay religion aimed at lay satisfactions (p. 56). Evangelicals, including young Newman's beloved Thomas Scott, drew heavily on metaphors of trade, bargaining and the making and keeping of bargains and deals (p.57f). They preached honesty and fairness (p. 59).

Paternal loss of wealth were career determing for Newman, Manning and Dickens. This field is already much researched.

--(15) TRUTH TELLING.

Professor Turner clearly and forcefully sketches the attitudes toward truth telling that permeated most English gentlemen both in 1841 at the time of Tract 90 and again later when Kinglsey thought his victim would easily succumb to his accusation that "truth for its own sake was not a virtue."

Professor Turner refers to Steven Shapin, A SOCIAL HISTORY OF TRUTH: CIVILITY AND SCIENCE IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1994, pp.196-7. Indeed Shapin's entire book, though referring to an earlier era than Kingsley's and Newman's, underlines that Englishmen have always inclined to believe aristocrats and gentlemen, because they are free, fear no one and are under no irresistible pressure to lie.

Many gentlemen, both Professors and Anglican bishops thought Tract 90 a dishonest, dissembling document, reminding of the mental reservations of late 16th century English Jesuits. Newman's timing in publication was not the best.

In 1969, under the pseudonym G. Egner (for the German "Gegner" = Opponent), Dr Patrick James FitzPatrick issued APOLOGIA PRO CHARLES KINGSLEY. This book focused narrowly but at some length on Kingsley's several critiques of Newman regarding truth-telling. Some of that argument was later condensed and added to in an essay by FitzPatrick,
"Newman and Kingsley," issed in 1991 by David Nicholls and Fergus Kerr, OP in the revisionist collection JOHN HENRY NEWMAN: REASON, RHETORIC AND ROMANTICISM. 

Buried within Kingsley's often intemperate, sometimes inept critique of Newman in several sermons and other writings, Dr FitzPatrick finds some criticisms of the future cardinal which have stood the test of time and which provide insights into the Roman Catholic Newman's uneasy relationships with his new communion over intellectual freedom of theologians.  

Kingsley forced a grudging Newman to acknowledge in future editions of various works that Clement of Alexandria actually defended lying under certain circumstances (e.g., doctor/patient) and was not just writing hyperbole. Kingsley also goaded Newman into standing in opposition to the relaxed views of lying as sin by the great theologian St Alfonso da Liguori. Nor did Newman satisfactorially answer Kingsley's implicit indictment of
Roman Catholicism as tending to produce greater tolerance of equivocation and lying even in times of peace than Protestants would grudgingly allow in times of war.  (added 8/30/2003)
 
 

[TO READ THE "REMARKS" WHICH THESE NOTES SUPPORT, CLICK HERE.]
 
 

http://www.patrickkillough.com/courses/newman_2003_turner_endnotes.html

For earlier Killough reviews of Turner's NEWMAN (for www.amazon.com and www.barnesandnoble.com, 
see http://www.patrickkillough.com/courses/newman_turner.html

For a listing of books on and about Newman which I have collected and drawn on since 2001 see http://www.patrickkillough.com/courses/newman_bibliography.html
 

Materials added since July 1, 2003 are printed in red.
 

T. Patrick Killough

122 College Circle
Swannanoa, NC 28778

killswan@earthlink.net

Friday July 24, 2003
 
 
Revisited Saturday 08/09/2008 Dallas, Texas
after listening to  Duane Bruce's paper "Taylor's Newman"
at the 2008 Newman Association Annual Conference

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